This past February, Albania‘s parliament voted to ratify a new „migration deal“ which allows the Italian government to construct so-called „processing centers,” better described as detention facilities, on Albania‘s coast. Statements made by both co-signatories make it clear that this agreement is mutually seen as a step closer towards a long-anticipated EU membership for Albania. However, more than being part of an EU accession plan, this deal uncovers a deeper history of power asymmetry in Europe‘s periphery.
Italy’s current Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni, leader of the far-right Fratelli d‘Italia Party, had long been preparing a „migration deal“ with Albanian President and head of the Socialist Party, Edi Rama. The deal repeatedly received intense backlash by human rights organizations for enabling the construction of dehumanizing detention centers, as well as by legal experts, who emphasized that automatic detention is undoubtedly against the law. Surprisingly, conservative Albanian MPs were also among the opponents of this ratification, as they heavily criticized the agreement for its lack of transparency, claiming it was made „in the dark.” Moreover, local communities in the areas where construction has already begun, fear a hit to the country‘s vital tourism industry.
It seems puzzling that a left-leaning politician like Rama would collaborate with Meloni, and even more so that this highly controversial agreement received a vote in favor in Albania‘s parliament after passing through the country’s Constitutional Court. Notably, the Albanian state will also carry the majority of the construction expenses.
On a closer look, this unholy alliance can be explained through the anticipation of moving a significant step forward in the path towards Albania's accession to the EU.
The Italy-Albania „Migration Deal“: The Relationship Between EU Externalization Policies, EU Expansion, and Inter-European Imperialism
In February 2024, Albanian lawmakers ratified a new “migration deal” with the Italian state. The agreement stipulates that Italy has the right to build so-called “processing centers”' in Albania, where people rescued at sea by Italian humanitarian aid workers and port authorities will be detained until a decision on their asylum process is reached.
Preparations for the legislation had been underway for months, with human rights organizations sounding alarm over the preliminary bilateral discussions. For instance, Amnesty International has previously described this as an “arbitrary detention deal”, calling it “illegal and unworkable”. Elaborating in a press release that followed the ratification, Migration and Asylum Researcher Matteo De Bellis brought attention to the fact people rescued at sea would be “automatically detained and unable to leave the centers for up to 18 months”. Moreover, Italian authorities have secured their right to hold people on the boats “for days longer than needed”, until arriving with them in Albania.
The Unholy Meloni-Rama Alliance: Paving the Road Towards Albania‘s EU-Membership?
The Italian government, which is currently being led by Giorgia Meloni’s extreme right-wing Fratelli d’Italia party, has already constructed two detention centers in Albania in November 2023, one located in the northwestern region Zadrima, and one near the central-Albanian port city of Shengjin. Following the Albanian parliament’s vote, the country’s Prime Minister Edi Rama uploaded a post on X declaring that “Albania is standing together with Italy by choosing to act like an EU member state”. The Italian President agreed in her own press statement, explaining that Albania “behaves precisely as if it were already a de facto EU Member State”. How alarming that the willingness to act as a protective shield for the EU, and thus to allow the externalisation of asylum, makes a state look like a de facto member of the EU.
These statements by the co-signatories might explain what seems an unholy alliance between Meloni’s far-right cabinet and the current Albanian ruling party, Rama’s Socialist Party. With Albania one of nine countries that holds a long-standing “EU candidate status,” it is evident that policymakers view this agreement as a significant step forward towards EU accession. While the country’s economic and political structures were severely struck by the crisis that followed the collapse of its Communist regime in the late 1980s and early 1990s, it implemented radical changes in order to be integrated in the competitive global economy, lowering its public debt and reforming its infrastructure significantly in the past decades. However, its pending EU membership status still impacts developments in its monetary- and trade policies which remain necessary to combat poverty, unemployment and mass emigration that have affected the country for over 30 years.
The Century-Long History of Italian Imperialist Ambitions
Notably, this specific case of EU border management externalization policy can be explained through more than EU expansion plans, as the asymmetrical power relations among the two countries in question have a long-standing history. As news outlet Balkan Insight uncovered in July 2023 Italy’s attitude towards its eastern neighbor reveals that it still views Albania through a “colonial lens.” Italian imperialist attitudes during the late 19th century and at the turn of the 20th century led to the occupation of Albanian territories during WWI and the interwar period, with the 1926 foundation of the „Italian Agency of Agriculture“ in Albania consolidating the country’s power under its fascist leader Benito Mussolini. By this period, the establishment of Italian power had long been ideologically justified through various notions of ethnic superiority. Tirana-based journalist Fabio Bego observes that the impression of “Albanian indebtedness toward Italy” - with the former supposedly owing the latter infrastructural progress carried out through the “generous” contribution of Italian taxpayers - is still visible in today’s bilateral political relations.
One prominent example is Italy’s Ambassador in Tirana, Fabrizio Bucci, who just last year described Albania as „the 21st region of Italy,” expressing his joy over the country’s soon-to-be role as a “bridgehead for Italy towards the Western Balkans[,] that is, a market with over 30 million inhabitants,” hence stressing the financial benefits for Italy through Albania receiving an EU-membership status.
In his piece for Balkan Insight, Bego emphasizes that these imperialist narratives, despite mirroring 19th and 20th-century colonial attitudes, do not receive significant backlash on either side. This largely reflects the process of “Europeanization” that has been taking place for centuries in Europe’s periphery and has more recently been going hand-in-hand with so-called “EU integration” politics. Indeed, the recent bilateral agreement not only severely endangers human rights, but serves as a clear example of asymmetrical power relations among European countries, exacerbated by EU decision-makers. Albania-based legal expert Joan Daci has publicly questioned the legality of a de-facto Italian jurisdiction on sovereign Albanian soil, uploading the following post on his social media account: “An agreement that recognises the jurisdiction of a foreign state over part of the territory of the Republic of Albania would constitute a criminal offense [...] Such an agreement contradicts almost half or more of the constitution and the principles of international law.”
The Exploitative Nature of EU Border Management Externalization Policies
It should be noted the construction of the two centers will be achieved largely at Albania’s own financial expense, with local communities further criticizing how negative attention accompanying the facilities will hurt Albania’s vital tourist industry. Domestic organizations and politicians have also denounced the deal due to what they describe as a severe lack of transparency, calling it “an agreement in the dark.”
Lastly, with the primary boycotters of the vote in the Albanian parliament being conservative parties in contrast to Rama’s left-wing party, this deal brings to the surface the deeply complex mechanisms behind current migration politics, which seem, at times, to be driven by powers larger than national-level party politics and clear-cut classifications within the left-center-right political spectrum.
The increased externalization of the EU‘s border management policies has been a significant trend for the past decade. The most notable recent example has been the so-called “Rwanda deal,” through which Rwanda agreed to detain people on the move sent from the UK in local detention centers. This agreement has since been followed by statements from German politicians such as Christian-Democratic MP Jens Spahn, who has publicly expressed his interest in following in the UK’s footsteps. As such, the Italy-Albania deal will set a dangerous precedent, as it might incentivize migrant-receiving countries but most importantly EU candidate countries, who to might increase their chances to EU accession.
The exploitative nature of these relations for the respective non-European co-signatories are apparent, therefore it is important to remain vigilant about intra-European power imbalances as well. As historian Mark Mazower observed, less than thirty years ago the notion that the Balkans were viewed by scholars as „situated in Africa”, ruled by primitive tribalism, and in dire need of Westernization and Europeanization, was a popular stance among powerful Western-European political elites. Today, these narratives still live on.
A Reminder of Power Asymmetry in Europe
Naturally, the geographic location and proximity of countries such as Albania will remain unchanged, which in turn bears the potential of an EU-membership, financial resources, and many other benefits. From a global justice perspective, Albania and other Balkan countries hold a privileged position compared to regions outside the European continent. More importantly still, we must remain conscious of the fact that the people who will suffer most from EU border management externalization deals, those whose lives remain at stake, are people on the move towards Europe. Yet the recent Italy-Albania “migration deal” visibly uncovers the interdependencies within the larger region, requiring our attention and critical examination of power and privilege in Europe.